Week 2
Populism
Soci—229
How should you … well, “read” or navigate
our course readings?
Get into groups of 2-3 students. Think about democracy. How would you define it? Can you think of more than one definition?
What are some of the defining features of modern democratic regimes? Do these features always map onto the idea of
democratic “self-rule?”
The democratic transition swept Western Europe and, over the course of the 20th century, refashioned most of the world’s governments in its image. Democratization revolutionized authority, transforming subjects into citizens, autocrats into politicians, and barons into employers. Although authoritarian regimes linger, and political democracy has not eliminated inequalities of income and wealth, these changes amount to a remarkable transformation in the exercise of power.
(Usmani 2018, 665, EMPHASIS ADDED)
Over the last two centuries, countries across the world have transitioned from authoritarian rule. By any of the long-run indices available, democracy has spread far and wide … Yet while democracies exist everywhere, they do not everywhere exist equally. Beneath the veneer of formal democracy lies substantial variation in the extent to which citizens realize the ideal of self-rule.
(Kadivar, Usmani, and Bradlow 2020, 1311, EMPHASIS ADDED)
| Dimension | V-Dem Description |
|---|---|
| Electoral Democracy | Expand or CloseThe electoral principle of democracy seeks to embody the core value of making rulers responsive to citizens, achieved through electoral competition for the electorate’s approval under circumstances when suffrage is extensive; political and civil society organizations can operate freely; elections are clean and not marred by fraud or systematic irregularities; and elections affect the composition of the chief executive of the country. In between elections, there is freedom of expression and an independent media capable of presenting alternative views on matters of political relevance. In the V-Dem conceptual scheme, electoral democracy is understood as an essential element of any other conception of representative democracy — liberal, participatory, deliberative, egalitarian, or some other. |
| Liberal Democracy | Expand or CloseThe liberal principle of democracy emphasizes the importance of protecting individual and minority rights against the tyranny of the state and the tyranny of the majority. The liberal model takes a “negative” view of political power insofar as it judges the quality of democracy by the limits placed on government. This is achieved by constitutionally protected civil liberties, strong rule of law, an independent judiciary, and effective checks and balances that, together, limit the exercise of executive power. |
| Participatory Democracy | Expand or CloseThe participatory principle of democracy emphasizes active participation by citizens in all political processes, electoral and non-electoral. It is motivated by uneasiness about a bedrock practice of electoral democracy: delegating authority to representatives. Thus, direct rule by citizens is preferred, wherever practicable. This model of democracy thus takes suffrage for granted, emphasizing engagement in civil society organizations, direct democracy, and subnational elected bodies. |
| Deliberative Democracy | Expand or CloseThe deliberative principle of democracy focuses on the process by which decisions are reached in a polity. A deliberative process is one in which public reasoning focused on the common good motivates political decisions—as contrasted with emotional appeals, solidary attachments, parochial interests, or coercion. According to this principle, democracy requires more than an aggregation of existing preferences. There should also be respectful dialogue at all levels—from preference formation to final decision—among informed and competent participants who are open to persuasion. |
| Egalitarian Democracy | Expand or CloseThe egalitarian principle of democracy holds that material and immaterial inequalities inhibit the exercise of formal rights and liberties, and diminish the ability of citizens from all social groups to participate. Egalitarian democracy is achieved when (1) rights and freedoms of individuals are protected equally across all social groups; and (2) resources are distributed equally across all social groups; (3) groups and individuals enjoy equal access to power. |
All descriptions come directly from the V-Dem Codebook.
We position populism first and foremost within the context of liberal democracy. This choice is more informed by empirics and theory than by ideology. Theoretically, populism is most fundamentally juxtaposed to liberal democracy rather than to democracy per se or to any other model of democracy. Empirically, most relevant populist actors mobilize within a liberal democratic framework, i.e., a system that either is or aspires to be liberal democratic.
(Mudde and Rovira Kaltwasser 2017, 1–2, EMPHASIS ADDED)
We will return to this idea—and Canovan’s (1999) canonical
treatment of populist fervour—later.
While no important concept is beyond debate, the discussion about populism concerns not just what it is, but whether it even exists. It truly is an essentially contested concept.
(Mudde and Rovira Kaltwasser 2017, 2, EMPHASIS ADDED)
(Brubaker 2017, 358–59, EMPHASIS ADDED)
Yes.
Well, it can be.
The utility of populism as an analytic category is conditional on how we conceptualize—and in empirical settings, operationalize—the term.
More on empirics later.
Let’s first touch on conceptualization.
In the past decade a growing group of social scientists have defined populism predominantly on the basis of an “ideational approach,” conceiving it as a discourse, an ideology, or a woridview … Beyond the lack of scholarly agreement on the defining attributes of populism, agreement is general that all forms of populism include some kind of appeal to “the people” and a denunciation of “the elite.” Accordingly, it is not overly contentious to state that populism always involves a critique of the establishment and an adulation of the common people.
(Mudde and Rovira Kaltwasser 2017, 5, EMPHASIS ADDED)
… [W]e define populism as a thin-centered ideology that considers society to be ultimately separated into two homogeneous and antagonistic camps, “the pure people” versus “the corrupt elite,” and which argues that politics should be an expression of the volonté générale (’general will) of the people.
(Mudde and Rovira Kaltwasser 2017, 5–6, EMPHASIS ADDED)
Image can be retrieved here
Image can be retrieved here
Birth of Mani
Get into new groups of 2-3 students. And then answer two
simple questions.
Who are the elites?
Who are the people?
[W]hat constitutes ‘a people’ for the purpose of democratic government? Neither empirical nor normative theories tend to deal with this question, because they normally assume that ‘a people’ already exists … The reason for this is that we normally take for granted that those who are living within the (nation) state have the right of self-determination. Although this seems to be a plausible answer, it is bound to be paradoxical … [T]he notion of popular sovereignty that is at the centre of modern democratic theory assumes that the people authorise the establishment of the state, and not the other way round.
(Rovira Kaltwasser 2014, 472, EMPHASIS ADDED)
In Robespierre’s thought, this question is entangled with the problem of the expression of the people and the representation of its sovereignty. How can the people speak? Can it be represented without renouncing its sovereignty at the same time? The two questions hover around a pressing issue during the transition period between absolute monarchy and democracy in France: How can a large and divided people be represented without the unity of the king’s body?
(Rousselière 2021, 671, EMPHASIS ADDED)
In resolving the so-called democratic boundary problem,
populism can collapse into exclusion.
[A]lthough it is an internal transformation of representative democracy, populism can disfigure it by making the principles of democratic legitimacy (the people and the majority) the possession of a part of the people, which a strong leader embodies and mobilizes against other parts (minorities and the political opposition). Populism in power is an extreme majoritarianism.
(Urbinati 2019, 113, EMPHASIS ADDED.)
Does this align with Canovan’s (1999) ideas
about populism and democracy’s two faces?
How can you participate in this class?
Some readings may be easy to understand,
others less so.
Democracy is a redemptive vision, kin to the family of modern ideologies that promise salvation through politics. Pragmatically, however, it is a way of coping peacefully with the conflicts of modern societies by means of a highly contingent collection of rules and practices.
(Canovan 1999, 10, EMPHASIS ADDED.)
The notion of popular power lies at the heart of the redemptive vision: the people are the only source of legitimate authority, and salvation is promised as and when they take charge of their own lives. But from a pragmatic point of view democracy is simply a form of government, a way of running what is always one particular polity amongst others in a complex world.
(Canovan 1999, 10, EMPHASIS ADDED.)
Pragmatically, democracy means institutions: institutions not just to limit power, but also to constitute it and make it effective. But in redemptive democracy (as in redemptive politics more generally) there is a strong anti-institutional impulse: the romantic impulse to directness, spontaneity and the overcoming of alienation.
(Canovan 1999, 10, EMPHASIS ADDED.)
When too great a gap opens up between haloed democracy and the grubby business of politics, populists tend to move on to the vacant territory, promising in place of the dirty world of party manoeuvring the shining ideal of democracy renewed.
(Canovan 1999, 11, EMPHASIS ADDED)
[P]opulism is something internal to democracy. Given that the core concepts of the populist ideology … can be easily used to refer to the gap between democratic ideals and real existing democracies, we should not be surprised at the rise of populist actors who seek to enact the redemptive side of politics, and re-politicise those problems that intentionally or unintentionally are not being addressed by the establishment.
(Rovira Kaltwasser 2014, 484, EMPHASIS ADDED.)
Get in groups once more. Then, describe what populism “means” and how it is, in many ways, inextricably linked to democracy.
[P]opulist discourse has become mainstream in the politics of contemporary western democracies. I have called this the populist Zeitgeist. True, most mainstream parties mainly use populist rhetoric, but some also call for populist amendments to the liberal democratic system.
(Mudde 2004, 562, EMPHASIS ADDED)
Can we detect this mainstreaming empirically?
Data Come From V-Party, V2
Data Come From V-Party, V2
Caveat Emptor
These are, to be sure, very noisy measures.
Data Come From V-Party, V2
To the extent that there are cross-national differences
in the resonance of populism, what might explain the variation?
Karim and Drago’s Democratic Strain and Populist Fervor in India, America and Beyond.
Karim and Drago’s Democratic Strain and Populist Fervor in India, America and Beyond.
Where most accounts focus exclusively on the populist supply, as they define populism as a style or strategy used by the political elite, our approach enables us to also look at the populist demand, i.e., the support for populist ideas at the mass level.
(Mudde and Rovira Kaltwasser 2017, 20, EMPHASIS ADDED)
Figure 5 from Bonikowski, Luo and Stuhler (2022).
You can access data from V-Party here

Figure 3 from Dai and Kustov (2023)
Figure 1 from Jungkunz, Fahey and Hino (2021)
Figure 8 from Wuttke, Schimpf and Schoen (2020)
Figure 3 from Jungkunz and colleagues (2021)
In groups of 3-4, discuss how you could use an ideational framework to study populist phenomena. How would you “capture” or “measure” populism? What kind(s) of data
would you need to test your assumptions?
In those same groups, discuss how populist the following people or movements are on a scale from 1 to 10:
Note: Scroll to access the entire bibliography
